The global elite who hate Brexit happily watch Britain’s chaos
What is wrong with this government? Why is she so passive, turning from crisis to crisis without a strategy, without a meaningful plan? Talk to the Prime Minister’s main supporters and you will quickly detect that a feeling of previous disappointment turns into a slow and growing fury at the chaos and incompetence that this government is increasingly exuding.
These people voted for Brexit in 2016 and Tory in 2019 because they believed the country was on the wrong track and it was time for a radical overhaul. They are starting to fear that they have wasted their time, that this government will let them down as badly as the previous ones, on crime, the economy and cultural issues.
This sentiment is clear from informal conversations with Tory supporters ahead of the party’s annual conference, as well as focus groups: it remains less visible in opinion polls, where Sir Keir Starmer’s own failures more than negate growing disenchantment with the Conservatives.
Most toxic of all to the government, the Conservative base, which is patriotic and proud to be British above all else, is increasingly worried that the rest of the world is laughing at us. They watch the shameful queues at our gas stations and wonder why we seem to be the only country to have imploded in such an embarrassing way.
Why is it taking so long to send the army? Why can’t DVLA be repaired? And what about the UK’s inability to control its own borders, as evidenced by the fact that 17,085 people have arrived from the Channel on small boats so far this year – double the total of 2020 already? Or to defend Jersey, who fears the French will cut off the electricity supply if Britain does not surrender on fishing rights?
These Conservative voters are right: there is a lot of international Schadenfreude about our problems, although much of it is gravely misplaced. The whole world is in an energy crisis, there are labor shortages in Europe (and the main problem with us is that UK truckers are leaving the industry, rather than Europeans) and illegal immigration is a mess everywhere.
But Boris Johnson, and Britain for that matter, have something to prove. Brexit was a declaration of war on the global establishment and as a result Britain is held to a higher standard than other more compliant countries. After years of bad publicity from an almost entirely anti-Brexit international media outlet, such an attitude is not surprising, albeit infuriating. Every problem in the UK is magnified and immediately (and wrongly) blamed on our idiosyncratic decision to rule ourselves and reject the restrictions of global bureaucrats.
No one cares that energy prices in Italy are higher than those in Britain, or the extent of the labor shortage in France in the hotel industry; But so-called smart people are quick to argue that the spike in UK gas and electricity prices is somehow due to Brexit.
To crush all this nonsense, Johnson had to show he could be a successful CEO, not just a disruptor. He had to prove to skeptics inside and outside Britain that Brexit was indeed the huge opportunity he had rightly said it would be.
For this, he had to demonstrate to global financial institutions that they were wrong to sell the pound so strongly after the referendum, in turn inflating the prices of imported products. He was to explain to international investors that UK stock prices were far too low due to ridiculously overblown concerns about the impact of Brexit on our economy.
Johnson seemed at first to agree with his skeptics. He negotiated a deal that restored UK sovereignty while retaining as much free trade as a reactionary EU could tolerate. He started to rewire some of the government institutions to make them more efficient, although this got derailed by Covid.
The climax came with the brilliant rollout of the vaccine, which would have been catastrophically delayed had we stayed in the EU. Thousands of lives have been saved, and that triumph alone should have forced the Remainers to admit that they were dramatically wrong in the cost-benefit analysis of Brexit. The pound jumped and world markets began to believe in post-Brexit Britain.
Yet barely six months later, the mood has turned against the UK again: panic at the pump allows those who hold the grudge to deregister Britain. The pound is down 5% against the dollar since May, and the economy appears to be stagnating.
Living standards will collapse next year, due to the shock in energy prices, higher taxes, weaker currency, spike in general inflation and rising prices. interest rate. While other countries will suffer on this front as well, there are actually valid reasons for the renewed international skepticism towards Britain: one is our absurd and doomed decision to sabotage our competitiveness at worst. possible moment.
Johnson’s massive corporate tax and national insurance hike will make it much less attractive to invest or recruit in Britain. Far from embracing a Singapore-on-Thames version of Brexit that would have more than offset the blow to growth from the protectionist barriers erected by a vindictive EU, we are deliberately wasting economic growth, nationalizing the railways and failing to to tackle the housing shortage.
We decarbonize on a whim, without thinking about what might happen if there was no wind or if gas supplies were cut off. Britain is also not prepared to deal with post-Covid labor shortages: it is government policy to reduce unskilled migration, in part to raise wages, but where is his plan, given the disastrous side effects of the lockdown, to encourage, incentivize or train more British workers to take over? Isn’t that the purpose of leveling up?
It’s no surprise, then, that so many Conservative voters are unhappy. They are right that the incompetence of the government humiliates Britain. One of the many benefits of Brexit – because despite Johnson’s mistakes, the case for it remains overwhelming – is the wonderful accountability it allows. The chaos can no longer be blamed on the politicians of Brussels, on the European judges or on anyone else. The male stops at n ° 10.